Tashkent, Uzbekistan — A country that appeared to promise genuine political opposition during a parliamentary election campaign five years ago is about to vote again on Sunday — still without any.
Uzbekistan’s dissidents persist in efforts to register their parties despite repeated rejections. And America’s top diplomat in Tashkent continues to encourage the country to stay on the course of reforms.
But for many Uzbeks, real democracy remains a remote and not particularly appealing prospect.
“What is an independent parliament? What is democracy? We have never had either,” said Matluba Boltayeva, an entrepreneur in Andijan, eastern Uzbekistan.
Boltayeva told VOA it is more important to her that she can now visit relatives in neighboring Kyrgyzstan, which became possible after the government of Uzbekistan’s president, Shavkat Mirziyoyev, increased crossing points and expanded commercial opportunities.
“I don’t care about the members of the Oliy Majlis,” she added, referring to the Uzbek parliament. “I don’t want any political change, and certainly no opposition.”
Boltayeva’s sentiments resonate with many in Uzbekistan. During VOA’s travels around the country, residents frequently expressed low expectations of their legislators. Many believe that the country’s laws are made and enforced solely by the president.
A popular blogger, known for discussing rural issues and who ran for local office in 2019, now fears revealing his name to share this opinion: “We deserve this regime. People want a strongman as a leader, taking care of our basic needs. They don’t want to complicate things.”
His views reflect the widespread cynicism about democracy VOA heard in several cities and villages.
“Our people look at democracies like those in America, India, Kyrgyzstan and Georgia and wonder, ‘Why would we want that chaos?’ There isn’t enough desire, if any, for political or ideological contest here, which to people means disagreement and disorder.”
Russia’s invasion of Ukraine and the conflict in the Middle East have also shaped Uzbek perceptions, reinforcing the value of independence and stability — key election themes echoed by the five political parties, all supporting President Mirziyoyev and his policies.
Alisher Qodirov, head of the National Revival Democratic Party, who in 2019 pledged to turn his faction into an opposition, later told VOA, “How can we oppose the administration when it’s doing exactly what we advocate — economic reforms, investing in education, health care, and infrastructure, while also promoting our national values?”
While Qodirov and others contend that the parliament is relevant, social media users often disagree. They refer to the parties as “puppets,” accusing them of merely promoting the state’s agenda rather than offering solutions.
In an interview with VOA, U.S. Ambassador to Uzbekistan Jonathan Henick praised recent televised debates but noted that the parliament lacks transparency.
“We need to see more of that because, for the parliament to fulfill its potential in the Uzbek system, it needs to be empowered and communicate its role to the public,” Henick said.
The U.S. government does not support any specific political party, he says, “but we do support the registration of opposition parties in Uzbekistan. I think the Uzbek people, the voters, deserve as much choice as they can get.”
Both the U.S. and Uzbekistan are members of the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe, or OSCE, whose Office for Democratic Institutions and Human Rights, ODIHR, has deployed an election observation mission, with 14 international experts, 26 long-term and 300 short-term observers.
OSCE/ODIHR has previously monitored 10 elections and referenda in Uzbekistan, none of which was deemed free or fair. Its consistent recommendation has been to create space for political competition.
“People will feel more vested in the system if their representatives — the ones that speak to them and get their votes — are represented in parliament,” said Henick.
The administration deserves credit for its reforms so far, he told VOA. “But I’ve also been candid about where things fall short.” Henick cited the U.S. State Department’s critical reports on human rights, which point out problematic areas in Uzbekistan.
“We see this government as a partner,” he said, underlining that Washington values its strategic ties with Tashkent.
Henick works closely with President Mirziyoyev’s office, now largely run by his eldest daughter, Saida Mirziyoyeva, whom he described as “a productive and capable interlocutor.”
“I don’t presume to judge or cast judgment on the president here regarding whom he chooses as his advisers. That is up to him,” said Henick, who also spoke positively about Western-educated ministers, regarding them as strong advocates for reform.
Like Henick, many Uzbeks argue that their society is undergoing a transition. They now expect more from their government, especially local authorities. While the media environment is less vibrant compared to 2017–2021, the initial reform period, journalists and bloggers say they still push for public discourse on key issues.
Henick observes that civil society groups struggle to register because officials do not view them as partners in delivering public services. However, he assesses the impact of bloggers and grassroots activists as evidence Uzbekistan will shape its own democracy.
“If we are truthful in our desire to support that democratic development, we shouldn’t be trying to impose a model from the outside. We should be working with the individuals and organizations already here in Uzbekistan,” Henick said.
Khidirnazar Allakulov, who has been trying to register a political party since 2021, firmly believes Uzbekistan needs and deserves real opposition.
Nearing 70 and with his activist son in prison, Allakulov said he is “committed to fighting authoritarianism.”
He claims to have thousands of supporters “despite arrests and repression” and rejects the popular skepticism about democracy.
“I wouldn’t push for change if I thought our people had no faith in freedom and justice, which are essential for stability. Uzbekistan aspires to have all these things. But we also know that fear rules,” he said.
Allakulov believes the main reason authorities block his party’s registration is its opposition to “one-man rule and nepotism.” He believes Uzbekistan deserves better governance — not through a coup, but through democratic elections.
Recently renaming his group the “Liberator Nation Party,” Allakulov talks with the international community, including OSCE/ODIHR, but insists that no outside influence should interfere with the registration process.
Authorities maintain that Allakulov’s party has failed to meet the registration requirements, including securing the necessary 20,000 signatures.
“We won’t know the impact of political competition until we see it,” said Jasur Muminov, a graduate student in Tashkent.
“How we get there, I don’t know. But knowing our state, I predict two scenarios: either the government will introduce its fake ‘opposition party’ to show the world ‘democratic progress,’ or we’ll continue without any. But I’ll be voting on October 27.”
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